Members of the Italian military patrol near The Vatican with an anti-drone weapon. Italy’s military is far bigger and more modern than Canada’s despite both countries spending similar amounts on defence.ALBERTO PIZZOLI/AFP/Getty Images
The 32 members of NATO are in a rush to bulk up their militaries. Some countries are doing so better than others. Canada is not among them. It is infamous for its tortured and costly methods for buying or making fighting machines.
Overhauling a military does not only mean securing the most lethal missiles, the stealthiest submarines or the fastest frigates; it means designing a procurement system that can deliver the biggest bang for your buck in the shortest period of time. Doing so means the equipment arrives before it is outdated, but it also frees up financial resources for everything from recruiting soldiers to training missions.
Comparing the Italian and Canadian militaries illustrates the woeful inadequacies of the latter. The two countries, both members of the G7 and NATO, have roughly equal GDPs, and their military outlays are not far apart.
According to NATO, Italy spent an estimated 1.49 per cent of GDP on defence in 2024; Canada was not far behind, at 1.37 per cent. (Both countries are well below the 2-per-cent threshold set by NATO.) In raw dollar terms, Italy spent US$34.5-billion, based on current prices and exchange rates, while Canada spent US$30.5-billion.
Let’s call it a wash. Yet by almost every measure, Italy’s military is far bigger and more modern than Canada’s. How can that be?
Editorial: The high cost of failing to pay for peace
NATO says Italy has 171,000 military personnel. Canada has less than half as many – 77,000. The Canadian air force is a clapped-out embarrassment. It has about 75 allegedly active CF-18 Hornets that were delivered in the 1980s. CBC reported in March that 60 per cent of Canada’s air force inventory is “unserviceable” and likely not fit for NATO deployment in a defence emergency.
Italy has more modern and plentiful fighter jets, among them some 90 Eurofighter Typhoons. It has ordered 115 Lockheed Martin F-35s, considered the most advanced aircraft of its kind. Italy also assembles the F-35 under licence, the only European country to do so.
After more than a decade of dithering, Canada has ordered 88 F-35s, the first of which won’t be operational until 2029. (It has committed to, and paid for, only 16 of them and may choose a second aircraft to fulfill its fighter-jet needs, which would again delay the renewal of the fleet).
The Italian navy also shines in comparison to Canada’s. It has two light aircraft carriers, one of which, the Trieste, commissioned last year, is the most advanced of its kind. Italy has eight attack submarines, half of which are new-generation Todaro class boats.
At the end of the Second World War, Canada had the third-largest navy in the world. Its last aircraft carrier, the Bonaventure, was decommissioned in 1970. Its four submarines are ancient and obsolete. Its newest frigates are 30 years old.
NATO to back 5% spending target in June, Secretary-General says
To be sure, the Italian military has plenty of problems. Despite the fairly modern weapons in service and on order, it does not pull its weight in NATO and is highly unlikely to meet the alliance’s expected demand for member countries to spend 5 per cent of GDP on defence, as U.S. President Donald Trump has demanded.
The outstanding issue is its bloated payroll. Italy spends almost 60 per cent of its defence budget on salaries and pensions, well above the NATO average (Canada spends 43 per cent). Unless Italy reduces the number of men and women in uniform to free up money for capital expenditures, the military’s modernization effort will suffer.
But clearly, Italy’s procurement system puts Canada’s to shame. Rome tends not to agonize over purchases the way Canada does. For instance, its new FREMM frigates began as an Italian-French program in 2002. Less than a decade later, Italy received the first of a 10-ship order. The Pentagon was so impressed by the ship that it ordered two for the U.S. Navy.
Canada’s frigate program doesn’t come close to the FREMM program’s efficiency. Ottawa’s National Shipbuilding Strategy, launched in 2010, has been a boondoggle. Every one of its projects is years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget. The bill for the frigate portion – 15 ships – is now projected to land at $85-billion, more than three times the original estimate. The first ship probably won’t be in fighting trim until 2035.
Italy, unlike Canada, did not give up on its shipyards or major defence contractors after the Second World War and Cold War ended. Italy’s Fincantieri is the largest shipbuilder in Europe and makes everything from cruise ships to submarines. Leonardo, formerly Finmeccanica, is Europe’s second-largest defence and aerospace company. Both have become stock market darlings as defence spending soars.
As Canada launches into a military renewal program, it can learn from Italy. “We need to understand how some nations are able to deliver more capability, and faster, than Canada does,” said George Petrolekas, a retired colonel and former adviser to senior Canadian and NATO commanders. “Italy and France are clearly cases in point.”