Since 1999, there has been plenty of Albertan freedom-seeking political parties: Alberta First, Wexit Canada, Maverick, People, Freedom Conservative, Wildrose Independence and the Buffalo Party.TODD KOROL/Reuters
Francine Pelletier’s latest book is Dream Interrupted: The Rise and Fall of Quebec Nationalism. She is a former co-host of CBC’s Fifth Estate.
After years of wanting “in,” the West now wants out. Alberta, at least, has been pumping out that message at high volume. On April 29, the new leader of the province’s Republican Party, Cameron Davies, boasted that his election, coming on the heels of yet another Liberal victory in Ottawa, marked “the birthday of many new separatists in Alberta.” On the same day, Premier Danielle Smith wasted no time in introducing legislation that opens the door to a citizen-initiated referendum on sovereignty.
Seen from Quebec, where I live, it’s impossible to observe this new separatist surge without a bemused sigh. After being Quebec’s harshest critic for decades, Alberta is now ripping pages out of la belle province’s hymn book to better belt out their grievances vis-à-vis the federal government. Oh, the irony.
I happened to be living in Alberta in the early 1970s when the discovery of oil and gas was giving the province a whole new stature, and the muscle that goes with it. (Who can forget the infamous Albertan bumper sticker, “Let the eastern bastards freeze in the dark”?) It was also a time when a number of Albertans complained about bilingual text on their cereal boxes. It was such a profoundly different place from where I grew up – Ottawa and the Gatineau region – that it forced me to think long and hard about who I was and where I belonged in this vast expanse called Canada. So I am by no means indifferent to Alberta’s belated identity crisis. No one better understands the resentment that comes from being used, dismissed or misjudged, as Albertans have been complaining about for years, than Quebecers. That said, Albertans should be wary of the hornets’ nest they are stepping into.
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Separating from Canada is no mean feat. It is a radical act that demands what radicalism often eschews: popular support as well as an established, credible political party at the helm. The art of secession demands a clear vision of what a new fiefdom is all about. It can’t just be about more money, or fewer rules. If you are going to create that much trouble inside and outside the province, there has to be a higher goal, a moral imperative that everyone can respect, at least begrudgingly. As far as I can see, Alberta separatists have miles to go before they sleep.
Support for Alberta sovereignty is indeed rising but remains underwhelming, registering at anywhere between 22 per cent and 36 per cent, depending on the poll. Since 1999, there has been a surfeit of Albertan freedom-seeking political parties: Alberta First, Wexit Canada, Maverick, People, Freedom Conservative, Wildrose Independence and the Buffalo Party, with one formation often begetting the next and all advocating for greater provincial autonomy. The latest separatist vehicle, the Republican Party, an updated version of the Buffalo Party, has upped the ante by calling for a binding referendum on Alberta independence. The party claims to have the wind in its sails and 26,000 members, though 20,000 of those memberships were handed out for free. Other than independence, the party stands for traditional conservative values (faith, freedom, family), fiscal conservatism, enhanced prosperity and, without spelling out what this means, pro-Americanism.
The combined triumph of Donald Trump in the U.S. and Mark Carney here in Canada has heightened Alberta’s revulsion toward Ottawa while whetting its appetite for a MAGA second-coming, Francine Pelletier writes.JASON FRANSON/The Canadian Press
To muddle things further, nothing really distinguishes the separatists’ goals from Ms. Smith‘s plan for a “sovereign Alberta within a united Canada.” The fourth consecutive election of a federal Liberal government has clearly united all manner of conservative politicians in Alberta in a high-stakes poker game. Never underestimate the power of resentment or economic anger – but, for now, this amounts to political grandstanding, reminiscent of the emotional speech given by Robert Bourassa, in June, 1990, after the failure of the Meech Lake Accord. It was quite a dance, with the sedate federalist Quebec premier going so far as to invoke sovereignty in response to having been denied a new constitutional status. But it was just a performance, and nothing came of it.
So what does Alberta want?
When that question was first asked of Quebec, 30 or more years ago, the answer was straightforward: to protect a distinct French-speaking culture and identity in the midst of a mostly English-speaking continent. That has been the crux of the sovereigntist movement from day one: a home that would not only safeguard Quebec but help it thrive and, by the same token, be open to everyone. “The Quebec I’m talking about must also be for all Quebecers,” wrote René Lévesque in his 1968 manifesto. “We can become a model society if we choose.” It was an ambitious yet generous proposition which, despite two attempts, failed to materialize.
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This year marks the 30th anniversary of the 1995 referendum. Lost by a mere 54,000 votes, the razor-thin defeat was borne with astonishing equanimity by the general population. There was no blood in the streets and few insults hurled at the other side. We kept calm and carried on. Little did we know, however, that there would be a heavy psychological price to pay, as well as a political one.
This is something I think most Canadians ignore and even many Quebecers haven’t quite come to terms with. The 1995 referendum marked a turning point in the already fraught Quebec-Canada relationship. Until the late 1980s, there was still some sympathy in English-speaking Canada for Quebec’s claim of a distinct society. But the fear that swept the country on October 30, 1995, extinguished much of that goodwill. In my opinion, relations between Quebec and the rest of Canada have never fully recovered.
Within Quebec, the consequences of two failed sovereignty bids have been more dramatic still. The outcome of the 1995 referendum not only deflated the sovereigntist movement, it brought back the old siege mentality of darker times. Jacques Parizeau’s unfortunate outburst on referendum night was the first sign of this curious regression. By blaming the defeat on “money and ethnic votes,” Quebec’s then-premier evoked a past when foreigners were seen as obstacles to French-Canadian survival. The toxic combination of failure, loss and shame, the inevitable aftermath of this stinging defeat, had suddenly shifted the province into reverse.
People gather in support of Alberta becoming a 51st state during a rally at the Legislature in Edmonton, on May 3, 2025.JASON FRANSON/The Canadian Press
Though this was certainly not Mr. Parizeau’s intent, a seed was planted that night that would continue to grow over the next decades, slowly transforming the progressive civic nationalism championed by René Lévesque (and Jacques Parizeau) into the more ethnic-minded nationalism of François Legault today. His government’s controversial Bill 21, which prohibits teachers and soon daycare workers, among other public-service employees, from wearing religious symbols, is the most visible sign of Quebec’s born-again conservatism. Quebec is not alone, of course, in discriminating against religious minorities. The rise of right-wing populism has opened the door to nativist and anti-immigrant sentiment throughout the Western world. But because of its long history of isolation, Quebec is particularly vulnerable to this worrisome drift.
Alberta, I know, has a very different history than Quebec. But political gambles have a way of running their own course, no matter when or where they happen. In 1995, no one could have predicted that the progressive sovereigntist movement, which had dominated the Quebec political landscape for the last 30 years and transformed it for the better, would slowly morph into an undistinguished neoconservative one. Similarly, no one can predict where Alberta is heading today. In all likelihood, sovereignty is a red herring. That’s not what Alberta (really) wants. More power, yes; more control over oil and gas, definitely. But that isn’t sufficient to establish a spanking new country.
If not sovereignty for Alberta, then what? Joining the United States? The combined triumph of Donald Trump in the U.S. and Mark Carney here in Canada has clearly heightened Alberta’s revulsion toward Ottawa while whetting its appetite for a MAGA second-coming. Make Alberta Great Again caps are everywhere and banned books in schools are dominating the headlines. There is a culture war happening in Alberta and it has Mr. Trump’s name on it; 51st state, anyone? Might that be where the wannabe indépendantistes are really headed?
My message to Albertans: Be careful what you wish for, lest it come true.
Editor’s note: A previous version of this article incorrectly attributed the phrase, “Let the eastern bastards freeze in the dark” to the Alberta premier Peter Lougheed. The phrase was printed on popular bumper stickers.