Canada’s new vision is for a 'North American Arctic,' binding Canada and the United States to a common approach in working with other Arctic nations, without Russia. Ships are framed by pieces of melting sea ice in Frobisher Bay in Iqaluit, Nunavut on July 31, 2019.Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press
Margaret McCuaig-Johnston is a board director of the China Strategic Risks Institute and a senior fellow in the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs at the University of Ottawa.
Finally, the Canadian government is getting serious about protecting our Arctic border from risks posed by Russia and China. Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly recently released Canada’s Arctic Foreign Policy, which will see Canada, the United States and other polar NATO countries working together under a new security imperative to neutralize attempts by Russia and China to make inroads in the North.
Defence Minister Bill Blair also announced the 2024 Defence Policy Update in April, mobilizing $73-billion to be spent over 20 years for investments in equipment, security and defence capacity. These efforts will be supported by the Canadian Coast Guard Arctic Strategy, which was released in August.
But will it be enough? And can it be rolled out quickly?
For years, reports made internally by the federal government and released publicly by Canadian experts have documented the rising double threat of Russia and China in the Canadian Arctic, with the two countries’ militaries, scientists and officials working very closely together. Canadian ships have found Chinese surveillance buoys in our Northwest Passage, ostensibly used to track naval, submarine and coast-guard activities, monitor the passage of mining and fishing vessels, observe our one research ship, the Louis S. St-Laurent, and watch for the ships of other countries passing through.
The rise of China, a non-polar state, has been concerning to all Arctic countries with the exception of Russia, which has taken the opportunity to deepen its dependence on China in exchange for providing it access and experience in Russia’s Arctic territory. There is now a joint R&D lab and a massive military presence with tens of thousands of Russian soldiers stationed in the region, many involved in joint exercises with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army and Navy, as well as the Chinese Coast Guard.
China has completed major projects researching the security of the Arctic and mapping the seabed floor – both under China’s 13th Science, Technology and Innovation Five Year Plan. Their own research ships have two Canada-affiliated individuals on them when they go through the Northwest Passage – one Canadian to pilot the ship through our waters, and an Inuk to ensure that wildlife are being safeguarded. But there are areas of the ships where individuals from Canada are not allowed to go. There is now a third Chinese Arctic research ship being built, and an Arctic Shang3-class nuclear attack submarine will be launched next year. However, China’s newest nuclear-powered attack submarine, the first Zhou-class, sank at a pier near Wuhan last spring while under construction.
Canada’s new vision is for a “North American Arctic,” binding Canada and the United States to a common approach in working with other Arctic nations, without Russia. To this end, the new Canadian Arctic Ambassador will work closely with the U.S. Arctic Ambassador, Michael Sfraga. New consulates will be opened in Anchorage, Alaska, and Nuuk, Greenland. Jurisdictional clarifications in the Beaufort Sea are being addressed.
As the ice continues to melt, shipping will increase through Canadian jurisdictional waters, with significant risk to ships as icebergs and floes become more mobile. This is a risk for the Canadian and U.S. coast guards and navies, who would be responsible for recovery, so it is essential that other countries request permission for passage. Our procurement must also become much more streamlined so we can increase our presence in the region.
There will also be more pressure from China for access to our critical minerals and mining more generally, as the country is hoping for an Arctic port. Industry Minister François-Philippe Champagne has been keeping a much tighter rein on Chinese investment, but it should stop in the Arctic altogether. Why open our mines to China when it is closing access to their own critical minerals for other countries? The Arctic Foreign Policy also foresees research security as an area for collaboration with like-minded countries. Beijing has been trying for years to access our Arctic research. That ship has now sailed.
There has been extensive consultation with, and involvement from, Northern and Indigenous peoples in developing the Arctic Foreign Policy. One hidden gem in the document is the initiative for paid Arctic and Northern Indigenous youth internships close to their communities. This is a critically important investment in their future capacity to develop and engage directly in Arctic diplomacy.
Four million people live in the Arctic – 150,000 are Canadian citizens. The three new policies for defence, the Coast Guard and the Arctic will advance their security interests as well as trade and engagement with other Arctic countries. For all Canadians, a secure Arctic will protect our resources, our jurisdiction and our future – but we must accelerate implementation.