In Myanmar, women are leading the fight for justice and democracy

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Aye Lei Tun is a doctoral student in political science at McMaster University.

When I was six years old, I learned that my existence was a disappointment – not because of anything I had done, but simply because I was born a girl. My grandmother told me, almost casually, that my father had wished for a son. “Sons bring great merit,” she said, referencing the Buddhist tradition of sending sons to monkhood, a practice believed to bring spiritual rewards to their parents. On the other hand, daughters were considered temporary guests, bound to leave their parents for their husbands’ families.

This was my first experience with the entrenched gender inequality that defines life for women in Myanmar. But this bias extends far beyond individual households. It is embedded in Myanmar’s cultural, religious and political systems, systematically relegating women to secondary status.

Social taboos associated with femininity, purity and honour restrict women from questioning these norms, and those who do are stigmatized or punished. Under the military regime, this oppression has only intensified, with women becoming deliberate targets in the junta’s war against resistance movements. The women have since advocated for their human rights and resisted the military.

After the military coup on Feb. 1, 2021, women continued to resist by leading the movement in support of democracy and standing on the frontlines of protests. On March 8, 2021 – International Women’s Day – women activists and their allies launched the Sarong Movement to challenge entrenched gender norms. They hung their htamein (sarongs) across streets to block military forces, invoking the superstition that crossing beneath women’s clothing diminishes a man’s spiritual power.

This protest was a symbolic act to reclaim agency over cultural narratives that had long oppressed them. Yet, they faced significant backlash. The conservative society accused them of dishonouring tradition. In response, women organized educational campaigns to reframe the sarong as a symbol of resistance rather than shame, leveraging social media and community workshops to promote understanding and acceptance of their actions.

This social bias has allowed the military to further persecute the women. As the civil war escalated, the military junta weaponized women in the context of war, systematically targeting for sexual violence and arbitrary arrest as a means of silencing and terrorizing them. The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP) reported that more than 1,300 women had been killed and 5,800 arrested as of Jan. 31. Additionally, the AAPP documented numerous cases of sexual violence against women in military custody, with survivors describing the abuse as a calculated tactic to instill fear and suppress the resistance movement. In conflict zones, including the central dry zone and ethnic minority regions, women face an elevated risk of sexual violence, further exacerbating the vulnerabilities of already marginalized communities.

However, the sacrifices and contributions of women have hardly been recognized by the patriarchal society of Myanmar, as they continue to face exclusion from decisions that affect them and policies that shape their future. In the 2020 election, won by the National League for Democracy (NLD), women secured 16 per cent of the total parliamentary seats across different parties. Since the coup, even these limited spaces have been erased, with the junta now making all decisions for women without any representation.

Many women have now joined the People’s Defense Forces (PDFs) and other revolutionary groups to resist the military. However, even within these armed groups, women are often sidelined from leadership positions. In response, female soldiers have formed their own battalions, while women leaders from civil society organizations and female-led resistance groups have pushed for gender quotas in decision-making roles to address systemic inequalities. Today, women hold 21 per cent of ministerial roles in the National Unity Government (NUG), 20 per cent of seats in the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and 30 per cent of positions in the Joint Coordination Committees (JCC). Backed by international feminist alliances, they continue to fight against entrenched militarized patriarchy.

Additionally, women-led civil society organizations, such as the Women’s League of Burma, are documenting gender-based violence and advocating for accountability. Grassroots networks provide safe spaces and psychological support to survivors, countering the stigma surrounding sexual violence while integrating gender issues into broader resistance narratives.

The women in Myanmar are now fighting a battle on two fronts: against dictatorship and patriarchal oppression. Their struggle mirrors that of women around the world fighting for their human rights and dignity. However, the difference is that women in Myanmar are fighting in a country already engulfed in civil war, confronting a ruthless military dictator. They need our support.

Canada has long positioned itself as a champion of democracy and human rights. While it has imposed sanctions on Myanmar’s military leaders, it must do more to support women-led resistance efforts. As a country committed to a feminist foreign policy, Canada must recognize that Myanmar’s crisis is not only a political struggle but also a fight for gender justice. Women in Myanmar are not just victims of conflict; they are frontline leaders in humanitarian aid, resistance movements and transitional justice efforts.

To ensure meaningful support, Canada should prioritize funding for women-led civil society organizations, increase resources for grassroots initiatives providing direct aid to survivors of gender-based violence and advocate for women’s inclusion in peace negotiations. Additionally, Canada must facilitate safe asylum pathways for women activists at risk and collaborate with international partners to document gender-based crimes committed by the military for future accountability.

The global response to Myanmar’s crisis has largely framed it as a political and humanitarian issue, overlooking its deeply gendered dimensions. While men dominate the battlefield, women are leading the fight for justice and democracy – but their voices remain unheard in international discussions. Canada must take the lead in changing this narrative and ensuring that women’s leadership is recognized, supported and amplified in shaping Myanmar’s democratic future.

Systemic change is necessary, both within the resistance movement and in Myanmar’s broader societal framework as the success of the revolution depends on recognizing and supporting women’s indispensable contributions. Democracy cannot exist without gender equality.

Now is the time to amplify their voices, advocate for their leadership and commit to a future where women’s rights are non-negotiable. A truly democratic Myanmar must include women in all aspects of life: political, social and cultural. Their courage is paving the way for a new Myanmar, and it is our collective responsibility to ensure their contributions are acknowledged and their vision realized.

If Canada and the global community truly support democracy, they must not ignore the women leading Myanmar’s fight for freedom.