Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez on Wednesday doubled down on his opposition to the attack on Iran by the U.S. and Israel, warning that the conflict risked playing 'Russian roulette' with the lives of millions.
Reuters
As the U.S. and Israel escalate military strikes on Iran, the response from European governments has varied from limited support to outright opposition.
European leaders were not consulted about the military action and did not participate in the initial wave of bombings. Their response since the campaign started last Saturday has, for the most part, been marked by caution.
Spain’s Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has taken the firmest stand by vigorously opposing the strikes and refusing to allow Washington to use jointly run air bases in Spain to carry out bombing raids. The remarks drew the ire of U.S. President Donald Trump, who denounced Spain on Tuesday as being “terrible” and said he would cut off all trade with the country.
That threat prompted a swift rebuke from the Spanish Prime Minister. “This is how humanity’s great disasters start,” he said. “You cannot play Russian roulette with the destiny of millions.”
He won support from French President Emmanuel Macron and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, who said the EU would stand with Spain if any trade action was taken by Mr. Trump.
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Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares also rejected suggestions from the White House on Wednesday that his country had reversed course and agreed to co-operate with the U.S. on the air strikes.
Britain, France and Germany issued a joint statement on Saturday making it clear that their militaries did not participate in the air strikes, but they fell short of opposing the military action. All three governments have since sent warships to the Middle East and said they would join the U.S. in defensive measures and efforts to keep oil tankers flowing through the Strait of Hormuz, which connects the Persian Gulf with the Gulf of Oman.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer has gone further in voicing opposition, telling the House of Commons on Monday that his government “does not believe in regime change from the skies.”
He also stressed the importance of adhering to international law, something German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has played down.
“This is not the moment to lecture our partners and allies. Despite our reservations, we share many of their objectives,” Mr. Merz said in a speech on Sunday.
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Ms. von der Leyen has taken the opposite stance on regime change, writing on X that “a credible transition in Iran is urgently needed. One that restores stability and paves the way for a lasting solution.” That contradicted a statement from EU foreign ministers that did not call for regime change.
Rachel Ellehuus, director-general of the Royal United Services Institute, a defence and security think tank in London, said the European response has been muddled and muted “because Europe knew it had little capacity to influence U.S. actions or contribute to the operation.”
She added that some countries, such as Britain and France, have bases in the affected region and large anti-regime Iranian diaspora, which means they “will likely be more supportive of defensive strikes. Others, such as Spain, which has little stake in the game and whose Prime Minister has positioned himself as a guardian of international law, will likely be more critical.”
A year of transatlantic tension and Mr. Trump’s “America first” approach has left European leaders largely frozen out of major global issues, including the future of Iran’s nuclear program and negotiations on a peace deal in Ukraine. While Europe was heavily involved in a 2015 agreement with Iran that restricted that country’s nuclear program, Mr. Trump revoked the deal during his first term.
Another reason for the cautious response is the lasting memory of the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya, which began with military action focused on regime change and ended in civil war and a mass exodus of refugees, who headed mainly to Europe.
Mr. Starmer has been especially cognizant of Britain’s decision in 2003 to join a U.S.-led coalition that was supposed to eliminate Iraq’s alleged stockpile of “weapons of mass destruction.” The war was deeply unpopular in Britain, and military inspectors failed to uncover any such weapons. A British inquiry concluded in 2016 that then-prime minister Tony Blair had overstated the threat.
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“The lessons of history have taught us that it is important, when we make decisions like this, that we establish there is a lawful basis for what the United Kingdom is doing,” Mr. Starmer told MPs on Monday. ”That is one of the lessons from Iraq.”
Mr. Starmer is in an awkward position when it comes to the U.S. President. He has spent months carefully crafting his relationship with Mr. Trump in the hope of improving trade ties.
But the relationship has shown signs of fraying. In January, Mr. Trump criticized an agreement Britain had struck to hand control of the Chagos Islands back to Mauritius. The islands are home to the Diego Garcia military base, which is managed jointly by U.S. and Britain. Although the U.S. had formally backed the deal, Mr. Trump called it “an act of great stupidity.”
Mr. Starmer confirmed Monday that Britain did not allow the U.S. to use the base to launch strikes against Iran. He later relented somewhat and permitted the U.S. to conduct defensive strikes from the island and use it to attack Iranian missile launch sites.
“President Trump has expressed his disagreement with our decision not to join the initial strikes. But it is my duty to judge what is in Britain’s national interest, and that is the judgement I made. I stand by it,” Mr. Starmer said.
Mr. Trump hit back on Tuesday and accused Mr. Starmer of damaging ties between the two countries. “They ruin relationships, it’s a shame.” He added: “This is not Winston Churchill that we’re dealing with.”