Kazakhstan's President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, right, welcomes China's President Xi Jinping upon his arrival at the airport in Astana on June 16, in this photo supplied by Kazakhstan's Presidential Press Service.Kazakhstan's Presidential Press Service/AFP/Getty Images
Chinese President Xi Jinping is in Kazakhstan this week, working to cement Beijing’s ties with the resource-rich country and continuing diplomatic outreach to Central Asia, which has seen China increasingly challenge Russia as the region’s dominant player.
On Tuesday, Mr. Xi met privately with his counterparts from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan on the sidelines of a summit in Astana, the Kazakh capital.
His whirlwind schedule came as leaders of the G7 held a series of meetings in Canada expected in part to focus on countering China’s growing economic, diplomatic and military clout. And underlying the contrast between the two power blocs, Mr. Xi on Tuesday issued a stern condemnation of Israel’s war against Iran, saying China “deeply regrets” the escalation of tensions in the Middle East.
“We oppose any actions that infringe upon the sovereignty, security or territorial integrity of other countries,” Mr. Xi said, hours after Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney and other G7 leaders released a statement criticizing Iran and supporting Israel’s “right to defend itself.”
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It was in Kazakhstan in 2013 that Mr. Xi first proposed what would become the Belt and Road Initiative, a sprawling trade and infrastructure project that has grown to include more than 145 countries. BRI projects in Central Asia include oil and gas pipelines, highways and rail connections; trade between China and the region last year hit a record high of $127-billion, according to the Chinese Foreign Ministry, ahead of both the European Union and Russia.
China’s economic interests in Central Asia align with Beijing’s longstanding desire to develop western China, including the sensitive Xinjiang region, said Temur Umarov, a Berlin-based fellow at the Carnegie Russia Eurasia Center. “Consequently, a primary objective in these neighbouring states is to foster a predictable and stable political environment, thereby ensuring the stability” of Xinjiang as well, he said.
In an editorial this week marking Mr. Xi’s visit, the official Xinhua newswire said that “in a world increasingly fractured by geopolitical tensions and economic headwinds, the deepening cooperation between China and Central Asian nations stands as a key stabilizing force – one that fosters both regional peace and sustainable development.”
This was in contrast to events in Kananaskis, Alta., according to Chinese state media, with one of its prominent headlines noting “G7 summit kicks off with emerging disagreements among leaders.”
While presenting itself as a staunch defender of the established international order in the face of Mr. Trump’s tariff chaos and “America First” approach, Beijing under Mr. Xi has sought to strengthen alternative forums to those set up by Western powers in the wake of the Second World War.
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As well as an increased focus on the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which includes the Central Asian states, Russia, India and Pakistan, China has also supported the growth of BRICS from its initial five members – Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa – to 11, with an eye on future expansion. On Monday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun told reporters Beijing wanted autocratic neighbour Vietnam to join the grouping.
Expanding BRICS has been a priority of Russian leader Vladimir Putin, a close friend of Mr. Xi, who has provided diplomatic and material support for Moscow’s war in Ukraine, while purporting to remain neutral in the conflict.
China is often seen as Russia’s most important ally, but this has not stopped Beijing from taking advantage of Moscow’s geopolitical isolation and weakened state as a result of the Ukraine war to increase its own influence in Central Asia, long seen as Russia’s diplomatic backyard.
Russia’s invasion of a former Soviet state rattled elites in Central Asia, particularly Tajikistan, which hosts thousands of Russian troops and depends on Moscow’s assistance for regime stability. In a meeting with the country’s president, Emomali Rahmon, on Tuesday, Mr. Xi said China “firmly supports Tajikistan in safeguarding its national independence, sovereignty and security.”
But while Russia has been eclipsed by China economically, many Central Asian countries remain dependent on remittances sent home by migrants working in Russia, which account for upwards of a quarter of all GDP in some years, and retain close economic ties with Moscow.
Frank Maracchione, an expert on China and Central Asia at the University of Kent, said there is no reason for a “zero sum” competition between Russia and China in Central Asia, and there is room for both powers to co-exist. Any influence lost by Moscow, he said, is a result of Russia’s own actions, particularly the war in Ukraine, as well as expansionist and imperialist comments by prominent Russian figures, which contrast with China’s own careful diplomacy in the region. Economically, Russia and China have been competing for Central Asia for decades, Mr. Maracchione noted.
“In the 2000s China made the bold move to redirect all Turkmen gas to its own market through the China-Central Asia pipelines and Russia has been impeding further economic integration in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization for 20 years,” he said. “Russian and Chinese companies often bid for similar projects, particularly in energy, and are the sources of the largest capital in the region.”
Speaking to reporters in Moscow on Monday, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov dismissed any suggestion Beijing was supplanting Russia.
“There is no reason for such fears,” he said, according to Agence France-Presse. “China is our privileged strategic partner, and the countries of Central Asia, naturally, are our natural historical partners.”
Mr. Umarov agreed, noting, “Moscow and Beijing’s relationship is currently at an apex, and they do not perceive the overlap of their interests in Central Asia as grounds for rivalry or competition.”
With a report from Alexandra Li in Beijing